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39 In protest at a pay offer.2, the num instituted an overtime ban in november 1983, which remained in place at the onset of the strike. 42 Thatcher's strategy edit margaret Thatcher in 1983 Prime minister Thatcher expected Scargill to force a confrontation, and in response she set up a defence in depth. 43 44 She believed that the excessive costs of increasingly inefficient collieries had to end in order to grow the economy. She planned to close inefficient pits and depend more on imported coal, oil, gas and nuclear. She appointed hardliners to key positions, set up a high level planning committee, 45 and allocated funds from the highly profitable electrical supply system to stockpile at least six months worth of coal. 46 Thatcher's team set up mobile police units so that forces from outside the strike areas could neutralise efforts by flying pickets to stop the transport of coal to power stations. It used the national Recording Centre (nrc set up in 1972 by the Association of Chief Police Officers for England and Wales linking 43 police forces to enable police forces to travel to assist in major disturbances. 47 48 Scargill played into her hands by ignoring the buildup of coal stocks and calling the strike at the end of winter when demand for coal was declining.

13 Sequence of events edit calls for pages action edit In January 1981, the properties yorkshire area of the num held a successful ballot to approve strike action over any pit threatened with closure on economic grounds. 15 :169 This led to a two-week local strike over the closure of Orgreave colliery, but the ballot result was later invoked to justify strikes over other closures, including Cortonwood in 1984. 15 :169 In February 1981, the government announced plans to close 23 pits across the country but the threat of a national strike was enough to force a back down. Coal stocks would last only six weeks, after which Britain would shut down and people would demand concessions. Thatcher realised she needed at least a six months supply of coal to win a strike. 37 In 1982, num members accepted.3 pay raise, rejecting their leaders' call for a strike. 38 Most pits proposed for closure in 1981 were closed on a case-by-case basis by the colliery review procedure, and the ncb cut employment by 41,000 between March 1981 and March 1984. 39 The effect of closures was lessened by transfers to other pits and the opening up of the selby coalfield where working conditions and wages were relatively favourable. 40 Localised strikes occurred at Kinneil Colliery in Scotland and Lewis Merthyr Colliery in Wales. 39 The industry's Select Committee heard that 36,040 of the 39,685 redundancies between 19 were of men aged 55 and over, and redundancy pay was increased substantially in 1941 The num balloted its members for national strikes in January 1982, October 1982 and March 1983.

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33 34 National Association of Colliery overmen, deputies and Shotfirers edit no mining could legally be done without being overseen by an overman or deputy. Their union, the national Association of Colliery overmen, deputies and Shotfirers (nacods) with 17,000 members in 1984, was less willing to take industrial action. Its constitution required a two-thirds majority for a national strike. During the 1972 strike, violent confrontations between striking num and non-striking nacods members led to an agreement that nacods members could stay off work without loss of pay if they were faced with aggressive picketing. Thus solidarity with striking num members could be shown by claims of violence preventing the crossing of picket lines even without a nacods union vote for strike action. Initially the threshold for striking was not met, though a majority had voted for strike action it was not enough. However, later during the strike 82 did vote for strike action.

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He also said he would oppose a second-term Thatcher government "as vigorously as I possibly can". After the election, in a speech to the num conference in Perth on, scargill called for extra-parliamentary action against the conservative government: A fight back against this government's policies will inevitably take place internet outside rather than inside parliament. When I talk about 'extra-parliamentary action' there is a great outcry in the press and from leading Tories about my refusal to accept the democratic will of the people. I am not prepared to accept policies elected by a minority of the British electorate. I am not prepared quietly to accept the destruction of the coal industry, nor am I willing to see our social services decimated. This totally undemocratic government can now easily push through whatever laws it chooses. Faced with possible parliamentary destruction of all that is good and compassionate in our society, extra-parliamentary action will be the only course open to the working class and the labour movement. 32 Scargill also rejected the idea that pits that did not make a profit were "uneconomic he claimed there was no such thing as an uneconomic pit and argued that no pits should close except due to geological exhaustion or safety.

In March 1983, he stated "The policies of this government are clear to destroy the coal industry and the num". 29 Scargill wrote in the num journal The miner : "Waiting in the wings, wishing to chop us to pieces, is Yankee steel butcher MacGregor. This 70-year-old multi-millionaire import, who massacred half the steel workforce in less than three years, is almost certainly brought in to wield the axe on pits. It's now or never for Britain's mineworkers. This is the final chance while we still have the strength to save our industry". 30 On, in response to being questioned on how he would respond if the conservatives were re-elected in the general election, scargill replied: "my attitude would be the same as the attitude of the working class in Germany when the nazis came to power. It does not mean that because at some stage you elect a government that you tolerate its existence.

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17 Large-scale closures of collieries occurred in the 1960s, which led to migration of miners from the run-down coalfields (Scotland, wales, lancashire, the north-east of England) to yorkshire and the midlands coalfields. 18 After a period of inaction from the num leadership over employment cuts, there was an unofficial strike in 1969, after which many more militant candidates were elected to num leadership. 19 20 The threshold youth for endorsement of strike action in a national ballot was reduced from two-thirds in favour to 55 in 1971. 21 There was then success in the national strike in 1972, an overtime ban, and the subsequent strike in 1974 (which led to the Three day week ). 22 The num's success in bringing down the heath government demonstrated its power, but it caused resentment at their demand to be treated as a special case in wage negotiations. 15 :11 The num had a decentralised regional structure and certain regions were seen as more militant than others. Scotland, south Wales and Kent were militant and had some communist officials, whereas the midlands were much less militant.

15 :12 The only nationally coordinated actions in the 198485 strike were the mass pickets at Orgreave. In the more militant mining areas, strikebreakers were reviled and never forgiven for betraying the community. In 1984, some pit villages had no other industries for many miles around. 15 :10 In south Wales, miners showed a high degree of solidarity, as they came from isolated villages where most workers were employed in the pits, had similar lifestyles, and an evangelical religious style based on Methodism that led to an ideology of egalitarianism. 24 The dominance of mining in these local economies led Oxford professor Andrew Glyn to conclude that no pit closure could be beneficial for government revenue., the num was led by Arthur Scargill, a militant trade unionist and socialist, with strong leanings towards communism. Scargill was a vocal opponent of Thatcher's government.

In the post-war consensus, policy allowed for closures only where agreed to by the workers, who in turn received guaranteed economic security. Consensus did not apply when closures were enforced and redundant miners had severely limited employment alternatives. 14 The num's strike in 1974 played a major role in bringing down Edward heath 's Conservative government. The party's response was the ridley plan, an internal report that was leaked to The Economist magazine and appeared in its issue. Ridley described how a future conservative government could resist and defeat a major strike in a nationalised industry.

In Ridley's opinion, trade union power in the uk was interfering with market forces, pushing up inflation, and the unions' undue political power had to be curbed to restore the uk's economy. National Union of Mineworkers edit The mining industry was effectively a closed shop. Although not official policy, employment of non-unionised labour would have led to a mass walkout of mineworkers. 15 :267 The national Union of Mineworkers (NUM) came into being in 19 most collieries in Britain were nationalised (958 nationalised, 400 private). 16 Demand for coal was high in the years following the second World War, and Polish refugees were drafted to work in the pits. 15 :8 over time, coal's share in the energy market declined relative to oil and nuclear.

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In 198223, the operating loss evernote per tonne was.05, and international market prices for coal were about 25 cheaper than that charged by the ncb. 11 The calculation of these operating losses was disputed. 12 by 1984, the richest seams of coal had been increasingly worked out and the remaining coal was more and more expensive to reach. The solution was mechanisation and greater essay efficiency per worker, making many miners redundant due to overcapacity of production. 13 The industry was restructured between 19 in cooperation with the unions, with a halving of the workforce; offset by government and industry initiatives to provide alternative employment. Stabilisation occurred between 19, when closures were minimised with the support of the unions even though the broader economy slowed. The accelerated contraction imposed by Thatcher after 1979 was strenuously opposed by the unions.

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The much reduced coal industry was privatised in December 1994, ultimately becoming uk coal. In 1983, Britain had 174 working pits, online but by 2009 there were only six. Poverty increased in former coal mining areas, and in 1994 Grimethorpe in south Yorkshire was the poorest settlement in the country. 7 Contents Background edit coal mining employment in the uk, (decc data) While more than 1,000 collieries were working in the uk during the first half of the 20th century, by 1984 only 173 were still operating 8 and employment had dropped from its peak. 9 This long-term decline in coal employment was common across the developed world; in the United States, employment in the coal-mining industry continued to fall from 180,000 in 1985 to 70,000 in the year 2000. 10 coal mining, nationalised by Clement Attlee 's Labour government in 1947, was managed by the national coal board (NCB) under Ian MacGregor in 1984. As in most of Europe, the industry was heavily subsidised.

energy shortage of the sort that had won victory in the 1972 strike. The government strategy, designed by margaret Thatcher, was threefold: to build up ample coal stocks, to keep as many miners at work as possible, and to use police to break up attacks by pickets on working miners. The critical element was the num's failure to hold a national strike ballot, which enabled a minority on an area basis to keep working and kept other unions from supporting. The strike was ruled illegal in September 1984, as no national ballot had been held. 6, it ended on It was a defining moment in British industrial relations, the num's defeat significantly weakening the trade union movement. It was a major victory for Thatcher and the conservative party, with the Thatcher government able to consolidate their economically liberal programme. The number of strikes fell sharply in 1985 as a result of the "demonstration effect" and trade union power in general diminished. 3 Three deaths resulted from events related to the strike.

Conservative government and allowed the closure of most of Britain's collieries. It was "the most bitter industrial dispute in British history." 2, at its height, the strike involved 142,000 mineworkers. 3, the number of person-days of work lost to the strike was over 26,000,000, making it the largest since the 1926 general strike. 3, the journalist, seumas Milne said of the strike, "it has no real parallel in size, duration and impact anywhere in the world". 4, the ncb was encouraged to gear itself toward reduced subsidies in the early 1980s. After a strike was narrowly averted in February 1981, pit closures and pay restraint led to unofficial strikes. The main strike started on with a walkout.

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The miners' strike of 198485 was a major industrial action to shut down the British coal industry in an attempt to prevent colliery closures. It was led by, arthur Scargill of the, national Union of Mineworkers (NUM) against the. National coal board (ncb a government agency. Opposition to the strike was led by the. Conservative government of, prime minister, margaret Thatcher, who called the strikers and organisers "the enemy within." 1, the num was divided over the action and many mineworkers, especially in the English Midlands, worked through the dispute. Few major trade unions supported the num, primarily because of the absence of a vote at national level. Violent confrontations between flying pickets and police characterised the year-long strike, which essay ended in a decisive victory for the.

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